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$1 = ₦1,331€1 = ₦1,492£1 = ₦1,759A follow-up investigative report by Obi Mbieri Independent Media Ltd (eziokwubundu.com)

A Community Without a Recognised Head — and a Warning That Cannot Be Ignored
For more than six years, Obi Mbieri Autonomous Community in Mbaitoli Local Government Area of Imo State has, in practical terms, operated without a substantively present traditional ruler. Eze Dr. (Elder) J. N. Osuji, the recognised Eze of Obi Mbieri, has reportedly been outside Nigeria since 2019, and no resident — including senior chiefs, elders, and members of his own cabinet — can confirm direct, verifiable communication with him. Against this backdrop, Obi Mbieri Independent Media Ltd issues this follow-up article with a single, urgent message to Imo State's apex leadership and to Seplat Energy Plc: the situation is no longer a quiet chieftaincy dispute. It is, on the community's own account, a security concern that risks escalating if left unaddressed.
This article builds on this platform's prior reporting: that the legal basis for treating the Obi Mbieri stool as effectively vacant rests on the community's own constitution and on state law ("No Sitting Eze for More Than Three Consecutive Months, No Palace"); that the state government has already found it necessary to formally cancel unauthorised administrative changes made in the community ("Imo State Government Declares Newly Created Villages in Obi Mbieri Null and Void"); that the overwhelming majority of the community's own recognised town leadership has publicly rejected a disputed leadership process in favour of the current, recognised administration ("Five Out of Six Obi Mbieri President-Generals Endorse Current Leadership, Reject Purported Election"); and that indigenes living outside Nigeria have found the uncertainty over the Eze's whereabouts serious enough to organise a delegation to seek direct contact with him ("Ohohia Diaspora Announces Delegation Abroad to Visit Obi Mbieri Traditional Ruler").
Together, these reports build a consistent picture: a community whose own leadership, diaspora, and state government have each independently treated the leadership vacuum as real and requiring action. This article restates that record, adds the specific communication issued by Obi Mbieri Independent Media to Imo State's apex leadership and to Seplat Energy Plc, and renews the call for urgent legal, administrative, and security intervention before the situation deteriorates further.
The Legal Foundation: Why There Is Said to Be No Eze
The claim driving this dispute rests on two provisions of Imo State law. First, the Obi Mbieri Constitution of 2020, as amended, reportedly provides under Section 32 that the Eze shall serve as President of his cabinet and personally chair all cabinet meetings, with the Traditional Prime Minister as deputy. According to Obi Mbieri Independent Media, Eze Osuji has not chaired a single cabinet meeting since 2019.
Second, and more consequentially, the Imo State Traditional Rulers and Autonomous Community Law No. 15 of 2016 reportedly requires under Section 33(1) that every Eze reside in his Autonomous Community, with Section 33(2) providing that residence outside the community for more than three consecutive months is grounds for suspension. That statutory basis is what gave this platform's earlier report its headline.
Together, these provisions form the basis on which Obi Mbieri Independent Media has publicly declared that there is, at present, no functioning Eze — not as a political statement, but as a matter of statutory interpretation the platform argues the relevant authorities are obligated to examine and rule on. This claim is an interpretation advanced by a community media platform, not a judicial finding; only the Imo State Council of Traditional Institutions, the Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, or a competent court can make a binding determination. But the underlying facts alleged — a prolonged, unexplained absence and the suspension of the mandated cabinet process — are exactly what those bodies exist to investigate. Silence in the face of a properly framed statutory question is itself a form of institutional failure.
The State Has Already Moved Once — On Villages
This platform's report on the nullified villages documented that Imo State's own traditional institutions authority has already found it necessary to formally void administrative changes made in Obi Mbieri without proper authorisation. That intervention matters: it is independent confirmation, from the state itself, that structures operating in Obi Mbieri have been taking significant governance actions the government considers improper, and it shows the relevant authority is capable of acting decisively when it judges a matter serious enough. That is precisely why this platform is now asking the same institutions to extend that willingness to the larger question underneath: the actual status of the Eze's office, and who holds lawful authority to speak, sign, and negotiate on Obi Mbieri's behalf — including with Seplat Energy Plc. A government that has already nullified one unauthorised action should not need extensive further persuasion to examine whether the stool itself is, in law, currently vacant.
The Community's Own Leadership Has Spoken
As reported previously, five of Obi Mbieri's six recognised President-Generals have formally rejected a disputed leadership process and endorsed the current, recognised community administration instead. That is close to consensus among the leaders constitutionally positioned to speak for their towns, and it bears directly on the central question this platform keeps raising: who has standing to act and negotiate on behalf of Obi Mbieri as a whole. On this evidence, legitimacy within the community's own recognised structures lies with the current leadership, not with any competing or self-appointed process.
This near-unanimity should carry weight with Imo State's apex leadership. It is not a fringe faction asking for intervention; it is the community's own overwhelming leadership consensus, doing what it can within its own authority, now asking the state to do what only the state can do — issue a formal, binding ruling on the status of the Eze's office and on who holds legitimate authority to act in Obi Mbieri's name.
A Diaspora Worried Enough to Organise a Delegation
As reported previously, Ohohia indigenes living abroad have found the uncertainty around the Eze's whereabouts and wellbeing serious enough to organise and announce a delegation travelling specifically to seek direct contact with him. Diaspora communities do not typically organise delegations of this kind over routine matters. That they judged it necessary underscores what this platform has argued from the outset: the community, both resident and diaspora, genuinely lacks reliable communication with its traditional ruler — a basic failure of the most fundamental function that office exists to perform.
Who Is Filling the Vacuum
Where formal traditional authority is absent, something else moves in to fill the space. According to Obi Mbieri Independent Media's reporting, a group operating around Prince Ikechukwu Osuji — reported to be the youngest son of the absent Eze — has, since 2019, been carrying out functions that properly belong to a sitting Eze and cabinet, using the Eze's palace as a base. These are presented here as allegations made by the community platform and residents, not facts established by any independent body: signing documents purportedly on the Eze's behalf; representing him at public functions and at negotiations with Seplat Energy Plc; attempting to remove the Traditional Prime Minister, an action reportedly reversed after judicial intervention; creating new villages without lawful authority, later nullified by the state; suspending village heads and moving against uncooperative town union presidents; using financial incentives to silence objecting elders; undertaking road projects the platform describes as a political facelift; and conducting elections the platform calls illegal — the same disputed process five of six President-Generals have now formally rejected.
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Buy NowObi Mbieri Independent Media further alleges that some officials within Mbaitoli Local Government, and within the office of the Honourable Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, have enabled this activity. If accurate, this would represent a governance failure reaching into local government machinery itself — precisely why this matter cannot be resolved by the community alone, and why it is being escalated here to the state's apex leadership.
We want to be direct about the limits of what can be verified from outside the community. Claims of violence, injury, and the use of "mercenaries" are grave, and if true, constitute criminal matters within the jurisdiction of the Nigeria Police Force and the Imo State Security Council — not matters a community or a media platform can resolve on its own. The seriousness of these allegations is itself the argument for urgent, independent investigation, not a reason to publish them as unqualified fact. We report them because a body of residents is making them, repeatedly and consistently, through a recognised community platform and in formal communication to named state officials — and because unresolved allegations of this kind are how local disputes escalate into the security incidents the community itself is warning about.
Why This Is a Security Matter, Not Just a Chieftaincy / Ezeship Dispute
It would be a mistake to file this story under "traditional rulership dispute" and move on. Obi Mbieri Independent Media's own description of the situation — a "time bomb scheduled to explode very soon" — should be read carefully by anyone responsible for public safety in Mbaitoli LGA and Imo State. Communities across Nigeria have seen this pattern before: an unresolved contest over traditional authority, allegations of armed or hired enforcers acting outside any lawful chain of command, silenced dissent among elders and youth leaders, and local officials unable or unwilling to intervene — a pattern that, left unaddressed elsewhere, has too often produced violence earlier institutional engagement could have prevented.
Three risk factors stand out. First, disputed legitimacy without a formal arbiter: when a nominally sitting but functionally absent Eze and a group acting in his name — alongside a disputed illegal Traditional Prime Minister versus the legally recognised Traditional Prime Minister— both effectively claim to speak for the community, and no institution has issued a binding determination, the vacuum tends to be filled by whoever has the most resources or willingness to apply pressure. That instability persists even after the village nullification, since that action addressed a symptom without resolving the underlying cause. Second, alleged suppression of internal dissent: the reported removal of resisting village heads and town union presidents, and the alleged use of financial inducements to silence elders, if accurate, indicate the normal mechanisms for airing grievances have themselves been compromised. Third, alleged local government complicity: if officials with statutory oversight are, as alleged, enabling rather than checking the disputed group's actions, the community loses its most immediate avenue of institutional recourse and is pushed toward self-help, protest, or worse.
None of these factors alone would necessarily point toward violence. Together, and left unresolved for over half a decade, they describe a community under sustained institutional stress — which is why this warning deserves to be treated as a genuine security signal by the Imo State Security Council, not dismissed as intra-family or intra-community politics.
The Seplat Energy Dimension
One detail deserves particular attention from a corporate governance standpoint: the claim that the group acting around Prince Ikechukwu Osuji has been representing the Eze in negotiations with Seplat Energy Plc. If Obi Mbieri sits within or adjacent to Seplat Energy's operating footprint, the question of who legitimately represents the community in those negotiations goes to the heart of whether any agreement reached — over land access, compensation, community development funding, environmental commitments, or employment terms — is actually binding, representative, and durable. Host community agreements negotiated with a party whose authority to negotiate is itself contested are a well-documented source of downstream conflict in Nigeria's oil and gas sector: such agreements can later be repudiated by a rival faction, and previously peaceful host communities can become flashpoints.
This is precisely why Obi Mbieri Independent Media has named Seplat Energy Plc directly in its communication, and why this article echoes that call. It is in Seplat Energy's own commercial and reputational interest — not only the community's interest — to establish clearly who has lawful authority to negotiate on Obi Mbieri's behalf before further commitments are finalised or any existing agreement is treated as settled. With five of six President-Generals having publicly endorsed the current, recognised leadership over the disputed process, Seplat has a concrete, documented reference point against which to verify its negotiating counterpart, rather than assuming whoever has been showing up speaks for the community. In essence, the message to Seplat is a request for due diligence: pause, verify, and engage with recognised, undisputed community representation — including the Traditional Prime Minister, Chief Professor Kyrian Ndikom, whose office has reportedly already had to seek judicial protection once.
What Obi Mbieri Independent Media Is Asking Of Imo State's Apex Leadership
The communication is addressed to a specific set of institutions, each asked to act within its own lawful mandate. Governor Hope Uzodinma, as chief security officer of Imo State, is asked to treat this as a matter warranting attention from the Imo State Security Council, given the community's own characterisation of the risk of escalation, and to ensure institutions with statutory responsibility for chieftaincy matters are not sitting on an unresolved question indefinitely. HRM Eze (Dr.) E. C. Okeke, CFR, Eze Imo, as Chairman of the Imo State Council of Traditional Institutions and Community Policing, is asked to build on the Council's demonstrated willingness to act — evident in its village nullification — by formally examining the status of the Obi Mbieri stool under Law No. 15 of 2016 and issuing a clear determination. The Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, together with Mbaitoli Local Government, is asked to account for the role its own officials are alleged to be playing, and to ensure whatever process exists for reviewing an Eze's compliance with Section 33 is actually invoked. Seplat Energy Plc is asked to satisfy itself as to who has legitimate authority to negotiate on the community's behalf before treating any existing or future host community arrangement as final. The Nigeria Police Force and relevant security agencies are implicitly asked, through the reported allegations of violence and unlawful enforcement, to investigate those specific claims through normal criminal-justice channels — separate from, and not dependent on, resolution of the chieftaincy question.
None of these requests asks any institution to bypass due process. They ask instead that due process actually be triggered and completed, in the same spirit already shown by the state's intervention on the village question. A community that has spent more than six years without functional traditional leadership is not asking for a shortcut. It is asking to be taken seriously before, rather than after, something happens that cannot be undone.
The Cost of Continued Inaction
There is a version of this story that ends quietly: the relevant institutions build on the precedent already set with the village nullification, engage the parties involved, make a formal determination on the status of the Obi Mbieri stool, and resolve the disputes over cabinet suspensions and negotiation authority. That outcome is still available; it requires the Imo State Council of Traditional Institutions, the Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, the security agencies, and Seplat Energy each to do the specific, bounded thing within their remit.
There is another version, and it is the one Obi Mbieri Independent Media is trying to prevent by publishing this article: one where an unresolved leadership vacuum, contested legitimacy, silenced dissent, and alleged local government complicity are left to run their course until the community's own warning proves accurate. Nigeria has seen that version play out elsewhere, and the aftermath is rarely limited to the community where it starts.
Obi Mbieri Independent Media Ltd will continue to monitor this situation and report on any response — or continued silence — from the institutions named here. We reiterate our call for Imo State's apex leadership to treat this as the urgent governance and security matter the community itself has identified, building on the precedent the state has already set, and for Seplat Energy Plc to exercise appropriate diligence over who it recognises as Obi Mbieri's legitimate negotiating authority.
This article is based on statements and investigations conducted by Obi Mbieri Independent Media Ltd and residents of Obi Mbieri Autonomous Community, together with facts previously reported by this platform in "No Sitting Eze for More Than Three Consecutive Months, No Palace," "Imo State Government Declares Newly Created Villages in Obi Mbieri Null and Void," "Five Out of Six Obi Mbieri President-Generals Endorse Current Leadership, Reject Purported Election," and "Ohohia Diaspora Announces Delegation Abroad to Visit Obi Mbieri Traditional Ruler." Claims regarding specific unlawful acts, including against named individuals, have not been independently verified by this platform and should be understood as allegations pending formal investigation. Obi Mbieri Independent Media Ltd remains open to publishing any response from those named in this report.
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